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Brian Taylor

[H1] The conflicts and contradictions in the Peter Murrell affair

Nicola Sturgeon

Peter Murrell

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National government

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'The first conflict to consider lies within Peter Murrell himself.  What motivated him?' (Image: PA)

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Peter Murrell, I thought, was a diligent, innovative, perceptive servant of the SNP and their wider cause.  He is now an incarcerated criminal who betrayed the trust placed in him.  Just one of many contradictions and conflicts in this remarkable affair.
As I knew him, Murrell was a quietly spoken, insightful participant in Scotland’s political drama.  Witty, verging on sardonic, he seemed to me to be a cautious, controlled backstage manager – rather than a passionate, upfront advocate of independence.
But then what did I know?  What did anyone know?  As it happens, rather a good tagline for the turmoil which is now assailing the SNP, distracting John Swinney from setting the direction for his newly mandated government.
The first conflict to consider lies within Peter Murrell himself.  What motivated him?  All too easy to say greed.  Yet his lengthy list of purchases ranges from the mundane to the absurd.  To pointless pens and a dormant motor home parked in his mum’s drive.
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This was self-aggrandisement, not self-enrichment.  He spent seemingly without reason or control, rather than directing his criminal gains to shares or property.  Driven by a sense of entitlement or inadequacy?  Perhaps we will learn more from next week’s court hearing.
Then the conflicting views surrounding his estranged wife, Nicola Sturgeon.  Surely she must have known something, say partisan critics and puzzled observers.  She is adamant that she did not.  Absolutely, repeatedly adamant.  This past week, she says, has been the worst of her life.
Her narrative is of a disengaged, hectic marriage.  Two satellites, often remote, occasionally intersecting.  Engrossed in leading her party and government, she knew nothing of her former husband’s sporadic spending.  The purchases were either concealed from her – or were so ordinary as to escape attention.
Ms Sturgeon and her lawyer insist this explanation is both feasible and factual.   They point out, accurately, that a lengthy police investigation which they describe as “gold-plated” led to Ms Sturgeon being exonerated.
For me, however, there remains another question.  Set aside the bizarre use of the embezzled funds.  Consider the core crime itself.  More than £400,000 lifted from party funds – admittedly over a prolonged period of 12 years which would have aided concealment.
Should she not have queried the party’s finances more doggedly?  Her lawyer, Aamer Anwar, has noted: “To make it abundantly clear, it was not the role of the First Minister to sign off accounts, that was for the party treasurer.”
'Surely Nicola Sturgeon must have known something, say partisan critics and puzzled observers.  She is adamant that she did not' (Image: PA)
No doubt that is true.  But Douglas Chapman resigned as SNP treasurer in May 2021, complaining that he was thwarted in his scrutiny task.  Was that not a substantial warning light?
Further, a few party figures have complained that they were, in effect, advised to stay silent when they inquired about money.  Former MP Joanna Cherry KC may exasperate the leadership as a persistent critic.  But does she have a point here, about an apparent dearth of curiosity?
Again, Nicola Sturgeon is adamant that her ex-husband’s actions were beyond her comprehension, that they caused her “acute pain”.  She states: “I had no knowledge or suspicion that he was using SNP funds for personal purposes.  I am utterly appalled that he did so and cannot begin to understand why.”  She adds: “These are not my crimes.”
And so to John Swinney, Ms Sturgeon’s successor in office.  His political rivals say he is part of a culture of cover-up within the SNP and the Scottish Government.  They demand, variously, a Holyrood inquiry into the affair and an explanation from the Crown Office as to the exculpation of Nicola Sturgeon.
To be blunt, they believe they have John Swinney in their sights – and they want further ammunition to fire at him.  To be comparably blunt, Mr Swinney wants to close this topic down as quickly and expeditiously as possible.
I can see a couple of difficulties with the Opposition demands.  Firstly, it is not the role of the Crown Office to satisfy inquisitive politicians or the public.  It is their role to examine evidence, as gathered by the police – and to determine whether there is or is not a case to answer.  It would, arguably, be invidious and injudicious to go beyond that role, once a decision has been reached.
Secondly, the notion of a Parliamentary inquiry.  It is said a precedent can be found in the Holyrood inquiry into the Scottish Government’s handling of sexual harassment allegations against Alex Salmond.  Ms Sturgeon will remember that well. She gave evidence.
However, that was specifically convened to examine actions by the Scottish Government, by Ministers and officials.  In short, a core scrutiny function of the Scottish Parliament.
This would be an examination into the internal workings of a political party.  Led, for the most part, by other parties.  Arguably invalid.  The SNP’s critics say public money may have been involved.  Mr Swinney insists that is untrue, that the only losers were SNP donors.  Like himself.
Another contrast arises here.  A change in tone from the FM.  At the start of the week, he was humble and shocked – while depicting himself and his party as Murrell’s victims.
By Thursday, still shock and anger.  But a note of defiance too as he castigated his Labour and Tory critics for a “desperate” attempt to obscure their own failure at the recent Holyrood elections.
At sundry points, too, he has appeared reluctant to apologise to those deprived of donated cash.  I get the concept here – although it is a tough message to sell. The First Minister is taking care to isolate Murrell, to obliterate any hint of complicity or supervisory neglect.  Again, to posit the party he leads as a victim.
Over time, this too will pass.  But not immediately.  For example, we now have a suggestion that the Scottish Affairs Committee at Westminster should investigate the affair.   We await developments.
Plus of course Peter Murrell faces a court hearing and then sentencing.  After that, Nicola Sturgeon says she wants to tell her side of the story.  More conflict.  Her desire to speak out is understandable.  However, John Swinney might prefer the advice given by Clement Attlee to an impetuous colleague.  That a period of silence would be welcome.
Brian Taylor is a former political editor for BBC Scotland and a columnist for The Herald. He cherishes his family, the theatre - and Dundee United FC

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Kevin McKenna

[H1] How Peter Murrell's greed broke Scotland's independence movement

Angus MacNeil

Chris McEleny

Joanna Cherry

Nicola Sturgeon

Peter Murrell

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'Peter Murrell’s admission this week that he stole more than £400,000 from the party is the biggest political scandal in the history of Scottish and British politics' (Image: Jane Barlow/PA Wire)

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You can choose your own analogy from history and mythology to portray what’s befallen Nicola Sturgeon, her estranged husband, Peter Murrell and the SNP this week. If you were being grandiose, perhaps the fall of Camelot and the decline of the Roman Empire. Maybe Charles Stewart Parnell and the Kitty O’Shea scandal, or ‘Shoeless’ Joe Jackson and the 1919 ‘Black Sox’ baseball disgrace if you were reaching for something more recent.
Let’s speak frankly here: Peter Murrell’s admission this week that he stole more than £400,000 from the party while being employed as its Chief Executive on a six-figure salary is the biggest political scandal in the history of Scottish and British politics. You simply can’t overstate how much damage this has done to Scotland’s international reputation and to the entire independence movement.
Not unreasonably, questions are being asked about whether or not Nicola Sturgeon had any inkling of her husband’s 13-year crime spree. Can she and the party maintain a defence of plausible deniability? The extent though, to which this affair has cut through to street level, may yet lead to an independent inquiry about the financial stewardship and oversight of Scotland’s party of government during several UK and Holyrood elections. In football terms, their opponents would be calling for a points deduction before the next season.
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One former member of the SNP’s National Executive Committee told me last night: “If John Swinney genuinely thinks there’s nothing more to be gained by holding an Inquiry, then he’s living on a different planet.”
Elements this week of the onslaught against Ms Sturgeon, who has always denied any knowledge of her husband’s crimes, have been unpleasant, vindictive and lit by fiery crosses. Some of those complaining about how sex-realist women latterly came to be treated inside the SNP have gleefully participated in mocking Ms Sturgeon’s physical appearance and her chosen career post-politics.
Former First Minister Nicola Sturgeon and Peter Murrell (Image: PA)
It’s also averted attention from the other crucial element in this three-act tragedy. In the Alex Salmond years and in the early days of Nicola Sturgeon’s reign, the SNP seemed to represent everything that Westminster wasn’t: decorum in public life and civility and warmth in its internal engagements; all the while portraying itself as one big happy family, whose annual get-togethers proceeded in the manner of a church bus-run.
What caused the metamorphosis in the SNP that turned it into a deeply unpleasant organisation in which members were targeted and chased into exile for asking reasonable questions about policy and finance? Only by examining these openly and honestly can a healing and a reckoning take place.
To understand this bleak period, we must seek the testimony of those who experienced it and who were chewed up and spat out in the process.
The threats and abuse Chris McEleny encountered during this time would eventually cause him to leave a party to whom he’d devoted his entire adult life. He had suffered for the cause too. In 2017, he had his security clearance withdrawn from his job as an electrician at the Ministry of Defence after he announced a bid to become the party’s deputy leader. At the time, he was the SNP Group leader on Inverclyde Council.
His clearance would be reinstated after nearly 12 months, but he quit over his treatment and took the MoD to an employment tribunal. Yet, the jeopardy he felt at this time was modest compared with the orchestrated campaign waged against him by what he describes as a cabal operating on behalf of Nicola Sturgeon. Even so, he is measured in his criticism of the former First Minister, believing that she probably didn’t know much of what was being done in her name. The same handful of party apparatchiks are cited every time.
“It's obviously difficult recalling the moment when my previous level of respect for her dipped,” he said. “I think she was always looking for a legacy, and I think she always had the Alex Salmond shadow on her back and his achievement in securing an independence referendum.
“I think she embraced the trans issue as if it was going to be the next big civil rights movement. The entire self-ID promotion though, was something that the general public weren’t buying. It was disappointing that the government put the entire capital of the independence movement into that one issue. This then probably became the epicentre of all the toxic behaviour in the NEC. It was at the root of a mass infiltration of the party by bad actors whose commitment to independence was questionable at best.”
'Chris McEleny left a party to whom he’d devoted his entire adult life' (Image: Colin Mearns)
The culture and atmosphere inside the SNP described by Mr McEleny and others seemed to come from an age of ancient royal patronage when factions at the court of Henry VIII fought for the king’s favour. In the 16th century you could lose your head if you fought on the losing side. In the SNP, you got your reputation trashed and tossed into exile.
“The party apparatus had ultimate control over who gets to become a parliamentarian. I and others were placed in a holding pen for the European elections, meaning we couldn't stand. People who were known to be loyal to Alex Salmond, were principally targeted.
“I guess when I thought it was starting to go wrong was when Nicola started becoming very angry at NEC meetings. Normally, she let others speak for her; mainly those hoping for her favour. But she was now intervening and shutting down conversations. At one point, there was a serious suggestion that we all hand in our mobile phones to party hq as part of a leak inquiry. It was all stuff you’d associate with the old Soviet Politburo.”
The former SNP MP, Angus MacNeil is similarly reluctant to become personal about Nicola Sturgeon, but believes she enabled a vicious cohort of helpers to spread fear and suspicion within the party.
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“Nicola had many gifts and some great attributes. You can’t deny that. But to use them all so negatively is beyond a Greek tragedy. If she’d have listened to Alex Salmond instead of trying to jail him the Murrell scandal wouldn’t have happened. Alex used to say that leaders tend to lose it after 10 years, she did it in record time.”
Mr MacNeil can also pinpoint when he thought the party had turned into something darker and believes John Swinney and the Holyrood group of MSPs are still in thrall to their former boss. “It’s like a form of PTSD from the trauma of being shout at and being hounded by her Praetorian guard. I got chastised for addressing her as ‘Nicola’ in meetings. You had to know your place and be deferential.
“Peter Murrell meanwhile, determined whether or not a candidate received a prized constituency visit during an election campaign. Yet, as chief executive of the party, he never turned up to any meetings of MPs or MSPs. It was bizarre.  Her party glove-puppets would say to successful MPs and MSPs ‘you won because Nicola paid you a visit’.”
Of all those who were made to suffer in the years when the party became a darker place, perhaps Joanna Cherry’s experience stands out for its sheer implacable pitilessness.
“I think the atmosphere began taking a turn for the worse around 2017 when the snap UK election was called,” she said.  The election would see the SNP lose 21 seats. “If Alex had made a comeback then as leader then all the Sturgeon acolytes such as Liz Lloyd, Ian McCann and Sue Ruddick would have been out on their ear. Murrell had an even stronger motivation to be rid of Alex Salmond.
'Joanna Cherry and several other female SNP members made numerous complaints about harassment and abuse from within the party' (Image: Jeff J Mitchell)
“The pochling of the ring-fenced independence fund is key to everything that’s happened since. It’s likely that Nicola didn’t realise quite what level of theft was happening, but she should surely have known that there was something dodgy about the ring-fenced fund being used for non-referendum expenses."
For Ms Cherry, the pinnacle of the internal bullying was reached in the period between 2019 and 2021. “There was a very high correlation between those questioning policy and people who were gender critical. Calling us terfs and transphobes was a way of isolating dissidents.”
A new low was reached in 2021 following the violent sexual threats Ms Cherry had received from a party member in Stirling. “I tried to talk about how I felt about these threats at the National Executive Committee, but Nicola talked over me. Here was I, a woman who wanted to talk about rape threats made to her with those whom she thought were her own people, yet no one condemned them.
“Even now, I find it hard to describe the menacing and vicious atmosphere in which these meetings were conducted. I’ve never seen business conducted in such a malevolent way. Effectively, Nicola would snap her fingers and the attack dogs would come for those asking the wrong questions.”
Ms Cherry and several other female SNP members made numerous complaints about harassment and abuse from within the party. None of them were ever seriously addressed. If a political party can so easily dismiss claims of this nature, then shutting down questions about mere financial failings is no challenge at all.
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[H1] Silverburn chief says Sephora will boost growth as footfall surges

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[IMG: The Glasgow shopping centre is planning further new openings this year <i>(Image: Silverburn)</i>]

The Glasgow shopping centre is planning further new openings this year (Image: Silverburn)

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The new head of Silverburn has revealed the popular Glasgow shopping and leisure destination is in the midst of another strong year of growth that will see it welcome further major openings.
Diarmuid Donohoe, a Silverburn veteran who succeeded long-standing general manager David Pierotti in March, declared the site has maintained the momentum which saw it turn in a record year for footfall and like-for-like sales in 2025 into the current period.
And he pledged that the centre on Glasgow’s south side will continue to introduce new retail and leisure offers for its guests as it bids to maintain growth, highlighting the forthcoming opening by beauty “powerhouse” Sephora later this year as an example of its ambitions.
Silverburn reported a 10% rise in footfall, equating to a further 1.5 million visitors, last year, while like-for-like sales – a measure of the aggregate spending by shoppers in stores – climbed by 7%. Growth has continued in this year, with football up 10% and like-for-like sales by the same percentage in the opening quarter.
In his first interview since moving into his new role, Mr Donohoe, who began his career in architecture before moving into retail construction, shop-fitting, and operations, told The Herald: “Our vision and strategy is clear: to be the leading retail and leisure destination in Scotland. That’s been our focus. We had a fantastic 2025. Our footfall was up 10%, sales were up 7%, and like-for-like and non-like for like [sales] were up 50% – so that’s just new store sales. So it was a record year for us last year.
“Starting off Q1, we’re still following that trend. Our footfall is up 10% in Q1, sales are up 10% like-for-like, and 57% non-like-for-like with new stores. So it is fantastic growth we’re seeing at the moment.”
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People familiar with Silverburn, which was built on the site of the former Pollok Centre and opened in 2007, will be accustomed to the steady evolution of its retail and leisure offer. In recent years there has been a notable uptick in the destination’s premium retail offer, with last year seeing Silverburn launch new openings by Harrods brand H Beauty, Oliver Bonas, Jo Malone and fashion retailers Stradivarius, Pull & Bear and Bershka. Other new arrivals in 2025 included a first Scottish outlet for Kenji, the East Asia-inspired lifestyle brand, Haribo, and King Pins, the ten pin bowling chain.
Mr Donohoe said: “A lot of those stores are coming up to their year anniversary, but continuing that growth on. We’ve got Sephora, an absolute powerhouse in beauty, opening later this year, which is a big deal for Silverburn, and Space NK, again another strong beauty brand.
“We know where Sephora has gone in other destinations in the UK - it has given a lift of 10% in footfall traffic just by that one store opening, so it’s quite a big deal. It will be the second store in Scotland after [the] St James [Quarter] in Edinburgh.”
And Mr Donohoe emphasised the significance of attracting Sephora to Silverburn as its owners strive to establish the site as a “centre of excellence” for beauty. “Historically, we didn’t have brands like H Beauty or Sephora now coming - you had to go to London and places like that to get these brands,” he said. “So it’s now accessible to our Glasgow guests.
“Sephora is quite an interesting one. It’s following a much younger age – the 18 to 30 year olds, or even younger, 16 to 30s. They’ve got quite a strong following. They’re very connected on social media and with influencers, so I guess that all plays into it as well. The fact that you can access those brands now... online was the only way you could get to them before.
“Our leasing strategy has been clear. Our leasing director spoke about this: creating a centre of excellence at Silverburn for beauty. The owners always talk about 'What is Silverburn famous for?'. So the focus is points of difference, what makes us different. Being a centre of excellence for beauty is certainly one of those points of difference.”
Mr Donohoe, who grew up in County Cavan, Ireland, before moving to study architecture in London at the age of 17 and then completing his degree at Glasgow School of Art, underlined the role of Silverburn in providing visitors with a broader experience than simply a choice of shops. The centre, which is designed as a long and spacious under-cover boulevard, provides a raft of branded restaurants, a Cineworld cinema and children’s play areas, the latter of which will be augmented with new facility close to the Marks & Spencer store.
Other changes in the pipeline include a move by Waterstones to a bigger space on site, with the bookseller's new unit - in a former Frankie & Benny's outlet - providing it with a frontage overlooking the car park.
Mr Donohoe said: “Our owners talk about the Saturday morning conversation, when all the family are sitting down having breakfast and [asking each other] 'where do we want to spend our day?' We have to cater for everyone in the family and that’s the aim, [so] that mum, dad and the kids can all spend their day here.”
Highlighting the competition provided by other entertainment options, including streaming services provided by the likes of Netflix, he added: “There’s a lot more in the mix. You have to create engaging and unique events that surprise and delight when people come here. You just have to create those experiences.”
He added: “You’re fighting for people’s time – you have to create an environment where they want to spend their time and enjoy spending their time.”
Meanwhile Silverburn, which is owned by real estate players Eurofund Group and Henderson Park, is working on finding a new tenant for The Real Greek that closed this month.
Mr Donohoe acknowledged that cost pressures were currently making life difficult for many food and beverage operators, but said some are still finding a way to thrive.
“The leasing team are working hard on a replacement [for The Real Greek],” he said. “There’s a couple of brands that they’re talking to at the moment. I think the industry can be quite difficult for some of the food and beverage operators – the costs of the products are going up and some of them are trying not to pass that on to the consumer. So I think they’re just being cautious, a lot of the food retailers.
“But then on the flip side you’ve got guys like Wingstop who are absolutely killing it – they’re on trend, their sales are through the roof, they’re at capacity and they’ve opened a lot of new stores. There are brands out there seeing some phenomenal success and growth, so it’s not all doom and gloom in food and beverage.”

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